Kordofan is a strategic battleground because it sits between the Sudanese army’s central strongholds and the Rapid Support Forces’ western heartland. Routes across the region connect those areas, making control of key towns—notably El Obeid—important to both military movement and civilian access.
What is Kordofan, and what does “corridor” mean here?
Kordofan comprises North, South and West Kordofan, a large region between central Sudan and Darfur. Al Jazeera’s 1 October 2026 account describes it as the place where the opposing forces’ areas of control meet: the army-held centre to the east and the RSF-controlled west. “Corridor linking Sudan’s east and west” is a useful shorthand for the routes through this zone; reporting more precisely describes connections between the forces’ central and western heartlands.
Those routes matter for moving fighters and supplies, reaching towns and maintaining links across territory. The region’s importance is therefore not just a matter of drawing a line on a map: control of roads and urban centres can affect access to wider areas, while fighting along them can isolate civilians and disrupt aid.
Why has Kordofan become a major battleground?
It lies between the rival forces’ areas of control
Al Jazeera’s analysis of ACLED data, published on 1 October 2026, says fighting intensified from late 2025. It reports that the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) had pushed the RSF out of much of North Kordofan in the months before publication, while the RSF retained parts of Kordofan and South Kordofan remained contested. This is a dated assessment, not a live control map; the available reporting does not establish who controls each area now.
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Several armed actors are involved
The SAF and RSF are the principal opposing forces, but not the only actors. ACLED’s 10 April 2026 account describes the RSF taking West Kordofan after capturing Babanusa on 1 December 2025 alongside the RSF-allied SPLM-N faction led by Abdelaziz al-Hilu. It also reports that the SAF broke sieges of Kadugli and Dilling in early February 2026. These events help explain the conflict’s progression, but they predate Al Jazeera’s later account of control and do not settle the current situation.
Al Jazeera’s ACLED-derived national figures for 15 April 2023–19 September 2026 associate 52% of recorded attacks with the SAF, 34.7% with the RSF and 13.3% with other actors. Those are incident attributions across Sudan, not estimates of each actor’s responsibility for civilian harm in Kordofan.
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How extensive has the fighting been?
Al Jazeera’s 1 October 2026 analysis reports 2,876 attacks across the three Kordofan states from 15 April 2023 through 19 September 2026, about 19.7% of its Sudan-wide total. This is a count of recorded attacks over that period, not a death toll or a count of civilian casualties.
The same article gives North, South and West Kordofan state figures of 1,205, 789 and 723 attacks, respectively. Those figures add up to 2,717, not 2,876; the article does not explain the difference. Its nearby figure of 2,878 includes disputed Abyei and should not be treated as the three-state total. The discrepancy means the state breakdown cannot be reconciled with the headline aggregate from the information provided.
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Within North Kordofan, Sheikan locality—which contains El Obeid—accounted for 497 attacks, or 41% of the state’s total in the cited dataset. These incident counts describe recorded events, not how many people were killed or displaced.
Why is El Obeid strategic?
El Obeid is a commercial and administrative hub in North Kordofan. Its location gives it significance beyond the city itself: Al Jazeera’s 1 October 2026 account says that an RSF capture could open a route east toward Khartoum. That is a description of the potential military consequence, not a prediction that the city will fall.
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The city’s role also matters to civilians and aid operations. On 18 June 2026, the UN Secretary-General’s spokesperson said humanitarian organizations were continuing to assist people in El Obeid and across Kordofan despite worsening security, and urged the parties to protect civilians and infrastructure and allow safe, sustained humanitarian access.
Independent reader supportYour contribution helps us test, update, and keep practical guides available for everyone.What do the figures say about drones and civilian risk?
ACLED reported on 10 April 2026 that it recorded 515 drone strikes in Sudan during 2025, causing at least 2,670 deaths. That national figure includes combatants and civilians; it is not a Kordofan-only count. It illustrates the scale of drone warfare in the country but cannot establish the number of strikes or deaths in Kordofan specifically.
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Other reporting describes attacks on civilian infrastructure and constrained humanitarian access. Those risks are especially consequential where fighting, insecurity or damaged infrastructure restrict people’s ability to reach essential services or aid. Incident totals alone do not identify the circumstances or civilian impact of each attack.
How has the fighting affected people in Kordofan?
UNICEF’s situation report dated 31 January 2026 said more than 88,300 people had been displaced across the three Kordofan states since late October 2025, including 17,000 during January. It also said Kordofan was hosting more than one million internally displaced people. These are figures from that reporting period, not totals for October 2026.
In South Kordofan, UNICEF said more than 13,000 people, mainly from Kadugli and Dilling, had been forced to flee within the state during the period it covered. Abu Jubeiha, Abassiya and Ar Rashad were hosting more than 12,000 displaced people from those areas, with some journeys taking 20–25 days. The report described prolonged shortages, inflated prices and severely constrained access to essential services in Kadugli and Dilling.
UNICEF also reported cholera, measles, dengue and Hepatitis E outbreaks across Sudan, with cases reported in North Kordofan. Its account linked limited health services and interrupted vaccination to transmission risks; it did not give a Kordofan-specific incidence count for each disease.
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Quick Recap
How to read changing reports about the front line
- Check the publication date. ACLED’s April 2026 account provides useful chronology, while Al Jazeera’s October 2026 report is later but remains a snapshot rather than live verification.
- Separate the kinds of figures. An attack count is not a casualty total; a national drone figure is not a Kordofan figure; and a displacement figure applies only to the period its source reports.
- Keep actor attribution specific. The SAF, RSF and other armed actors operate in the conflict, and reporting on an incident or alliance should not be generalized to every event in the region.
- Treat control claims as time-bound. Territorial control can change, and the cited reports do not establish current control or October 2026 displacement totals.
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