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Nepal’s call for climate justice is a demand for climate finance that reflects countries’ different responsibilities and vulnerabilities—and that affected countries and communities can actually access. Nepal’s government prioritizes grants for adaptation and loss and damage, while calling for simpler access to international funding and a stronger role for mountain communities in decisions.
What Nepal means by climate justice
Nepal’s Third Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), submitted in 2025, frames climate justice around fairness, responsibility and access. It invokes the principles of fair share, Common but Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities, and polluter pays in connection with climate finance. In practical terms, Nepal argues that countries with greater responsibility and capacity should help fund responses in countries facing severe climate risks despite contributing little to the problem.
Nepal’s 2026 statement to the UN General Assembly says the country contributes less than 0.1% of global greenhouse-gas emissions. That is the government’s stated figure, not a complete emissions inventory or an independently harmonized comparison of historical emissions. Prime Minister Balendra Shah described the procedural dimension this way: “It is about procedural justice – who has a voice.”
Why Nepal says the issue is urgent
Nepal’s mountain geography exposes communities, infrastructure and livelihoods to both sudden disasters and slower environmental change. The 2025 NDC lists floods, landslides, glacial lake outburst floods, droughts, wildfires and heatwaves, as well as rising temperatures, glacier melt and biodiversity loss.
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Recent disaster figures
The NDC reports that the September 2024 extreme-rainfall event caused 249 deaths, injured 178 people and displaced 11,000 families. It gives a preliminary estimate of USD 345 million in economic losses. The government describes the figures as conservative: they do not capture the full range of non-economic or longer-term losses.
The same NDC reports USD 68 million in losses to paddy farming from unseasonal rainfall in October 2021 and USD 498 million in losses from the June 2021 Melamchi River Basin flood. These are estimates for separate events, not a combined measure of Nepal’s total climate-related losses.
What event attribution does—and does not—show
The NDC cites an assessment indicating that human-caused climate change made the September 2024 extreme-rainfall event about 10% more intense and about 70% more likely. This is the assessment as reported by Nepal’s government, not a new calculation here; it does not mean climate change alone caused every flood, landslide or other disaster.
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Glacier change adds a longer-term risk. Nepal’s NDC reports at least 47 glacier lakes in the country identified as potentially dangerous and more than 26 major glacial lake outburst floods experienced since 1970. It also reports that glacier loss in the Hindu Kush Himalayan region accelerated by 65% in 2011–2020 compared with the previous decade. The Sagarmatha Call for Action connects glacier loss to cascading hazards and calls for stronger early-warning and risk-information systems.
What Nepal is asking other countries to do
The government’s Sagarmatha Call for Action urges countries to strengthen emissions targets and implement adaptation plans, alongside changes to climate finance and mountain-risk policy. Its requests include:
- Expand grants and concessional finance, and simplify developing countries’ access to international climate funds.
- Consider a dedicated fund for mountain countries and recognize the services provided by mountain ecosystems.
- Improve early-warning systems and links between climate data and disaster risk management.
- Include local and Indigenous communities in decisions, and support just energy transitions.
- Create a multi-stakeholder platform focused on mountains and climate.
Nepal’s 2025 NDC prioritizes grants for adaptation and loss and damage while also recognizing concessional finance and other funding sources. It does not say that every form of climate finance must be a grant or reject all loans.
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Why grants and access rules matter
A grant does not have to be repaid; a concessional loan is offered on more favorable terms than ordinary borrowing but still creates a repayment obligation. Nepal’s position is that adaptation and responses to loss and damage should receive grant support, rather than adding debt burdens to countries already coping with climate impacts.
The National Climate Assembly 2024 declaration, produced through civil-society deliberations, adds a concern about who can reach the money: it calls for climate finance that does not create debt for affected countries and for access that reaches local institutions and communities. This is a participant-driven declaration, not a nationwide opinion poll or the same thing as a formal government commitment.
In his 2026 UN General Assembly statement, Shah argued that complicated application processes can keep vulnerable countries from timely help: “Climate finance must not become a bureaucratic maze through which vulnerable countries spend years proving that they need help.” The government’s proposed Himalayan Climate Resilience Mechanism is part of that political statement; the statement does not establish that it is an operating fund.
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Who should shape decisions and receive support?
The national government’s policy declarations and the assembly participants’ recommendations overlap on easier access and meaningful participation, but they are not interchangeable. The Sagarmatha Call for Action calls for local and Indigenous participation in mountain policy. The assembly declaration emphasizes reaching local institutions and communities. Together, these demands raise a practical test for climate finance: money should not stop at national accounts or institutions if the people facing risk cannot influence its use or benefit from it.
For any proposed funding arrangement, readers can assess:
- Debt impact: Is the support a grant, a loan, or another instrument, and does it require repayment?
- Access: How difficult and slow is the application process, and can vulnerable countries or local institutions apply directly?
- Purpose: Is the money for adaptation, loss and damage, emissions reduction or technical capacity?
- Distribution: Are affected communities—including women, Indigenous people, people with disabilities and other marginalized groups—involved in decisions?
- Accountability: Are allocation, safeguards and delivery transparent?
These questions describe how to examine finance proposals; they are not a ranking of existing funds or evidence that a particular mechanism has delivered money.
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What the evidence establishes—and what it does not
Nepal’s NDC and Sagarmatha Call for Action set out the government’s formal position and reported impacts. The National Climate Assembly report records civil-society priorities, including concerns about debt and local access. The 2026 UN General Assembly statement presents the government’s current political framing. Each source serves a different purpose.
The cited material does not establish a single independently harmonized estimate of Nepal’s cumulative historical emissions or its total climate-related economic and non-economic losses. Nor does it establish the current capitalization or disbursement of a dedicated mountain fund, or the detailed implementation status of Nepal’s climate targets. Event estimates and political statements should not be combined into a national total.
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