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The U.S.-led coalition has ended its mission in Iraq, but that does not mean all U.S. security cooperation has stopped. At the same time, the Kurdistan Regional Government’s September 21, 2026 announcement that Kurdish armed factions had merged into one structure is an important political step—not proof that the Peshmerga already operate as a unified force. Their next test is turning that announcement into shared command, readiness and coordination with federal Iraqi forces.
What the U.S. withdrawal means—and what it does not
On September 30, 2026, the United States announced the completion of its withdrawal from Iraq and the formal end of Operation Inherent Resolve in the country. The coalition mission began in 2014, after Iraqi authorities invited a smaller U.S.-led effort back as ISIL seized large areas. Its end shifts primary responsibility toward Iraqi forces; it does not establish that every U.S. security relationship or form of assistance has ended. The Associated Press quoted Pentagon spokesperson Sean Parnell describing a transition from a wartime coalition mission to an Iraqi-led effort supported by a more normal bilateral relationship. He said U.S. forces would continue targeted training and intelligence support to Iraqi partners.
| What changed | What the reporting says may continue |
|---|---|
| The coalition deployment and Operation Inherent Resolve mission in Iraq ended with the U.S. withdrawal announced September 30, 2026. | U.S. officials described targeted training and intelligence support under a bilateral relationship; the available statements do not specify final terms or guarantee every form of assistance. |
The distinction matters for the Peshmerga: the end of the coalition’s former operational role leaves Kurdish and federal Iraqi forces with more responsibility for detecting and responding to threats, while the scope of any replacement support remains unsettled.
One-force announcement, unfinished integration
On September 21, the KRG announced that Kurdish armed factions had been merged into a unified structure. At the ceremony, Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani said: “Kurdistan needs one force, one ministry, and one command. The Peshmerga must be a national force, free from party interference and disputes. Today, we take a major step towards achieving this goal.” Al Jazeera’s account presents the announcement as a milestone. Whether it becomes operational integration depends on implementing command arrangements and reducing the influence of the region’s two main parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK).
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A U.S. Lead Inspector General report published in 2026, covering July 1–December 31, 2025, shows why the distinction matters. Its assessment described partial progress alongside unresolved organizational and capability problems:
| Measure | Finding and scope |
|---|---|
| Personnel under Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs command | 84,923 as of November 2025. This was not the total number of Kurdish forces: the report said tens of thousands remained under KDP- and PUK-aligned partisan control. |
| Divisional capability | As of November 2025, four divisions had reached full operating capability and three initial operating capability. Two divisions did not achieve full operating capability in validation exercises. |
| Unified command arrangements | No agreement had been reached on overarching area commands. Without those commands, the Ministry operations center could not command and control units, according to the report. |
These findings come from the U.S. Lead Inspector General’s Operation Inherent Resolve report; they describe conditions assessed through 2025, not a fresh operational audit after the September 2026 announcement. They are evidence of the starting point for implementation, not proof that the announced merger has failed or that the reported structure remains unchanged.
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Readiness: an official assurance and concrete constraints
Ministry of Peshmerga spokesperson Major General Othman Mohammed told Al Jazeera that the Peshmerga “has always been on full alert.” He pointed to its role in repelling ISIL in 2014 despite limited means. That is the ministry spokesperson’s assessment, not an independent measure of each unit’s current readiness.
The inspector general’s earlier assessment documented issues that a broad readiness claim does not resolve. It warned that gaps in professional military education could undermine complex operations. It also said newly formed divisions could lose capability without adequate resources and sustainment training, and that the Ministry lacked a viable sustainment plan without Coalition and Counter-ISIS Train and Equip Fund support. The report described planned reductions in that support in fiscal year 2026, including the end of Peshmerga stipends, while Erbil and Baghdad remained at odds over salaries. These are institutional and sustainment risks; they do not by themselves establish how any particular unit would perform in a specific operation.
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Air defense and awareness are part of the transition
Ground-force readiness is only one part of security. The Peshmerga Ministry expressed concern about the U.S. departure “under these complex regional circumstances, without the provision of a defense system,” according to the Associated Press. The same AP report quoted the ministry as saying the Kurdistan Region had faced more than 1,000 drone and ballistic-missile attacks during the recent U.S.–Iran conflict; that is a ministry-reported count, not an independently verified AP tally.
The American University School of International Service’s Global Kurdish Initiative describes the post-withdrawal posture as ground-centric Peshmerga forces, limited counter-unmanned-aircraft kits and air defense around key sites. That assessment identifies potential coverage concerns; it does not show that the region has no defensive capability. The practical question is whether Iraqi and Kurdish institutions can maintain enough warning, protection and coordination as the coalition’s previous role recedes.
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Why Erbil–Baghdad and KDP–PUK relations matter
The Peshmerga’s party affiliations are a command-and-governance issue, not just a matter of internal organization. Al Jazeera reports that KDP–PUK disputes over governance in the Kurdistan Region and relations with Baghdad could affect military institutions if forces remain tied to the parties. The existence of geographically distinct commands is a particular test for the merger: a unified label will mean less if units continue to answer to separate political structures.
Erbil says it intends to keep cooperating with Baghdad within Iraq’s federal framework. Dialogue, legal processes and practical coordination are therefore important conditions for the transition, especially when Kurdish and federal forces must address ISIL remnants and other threats. The available reporting does not establish that future political disputes or security incidents will be resolved smoothly.
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What U.S. support could look like next
U.S.–KRG security arrangements have supported Peshmerga reform and unification since 2016, with an updated four-year agreement in 2022, according to The National. Before the final withdrawal, KRG officials told the paper that expiry of the existing agreement should not be read as an end to the strategic partnership. They expected training, advice, logistics, institutional reform and capacity-building might continue, and said a new framework could be discussed. Those were KRG officials’ expectations, not announced final terms.
The distinction is consequential: training and institutional assistance could support reform, but they are not the same as the coalition’s former mission or a guaranteed replacement for particular defense capabilities. The actual scope, partners and mechanisms of bilateral assistance remain to be established publicly in the cited reporting.
The test for the Peshmerga’s next era
The September merger announcement sets a direction. Whether it changes security on the ground will depend on whether the Ministry can exercise command across party-aligned forces, whether divisions can sustain validated capabilities, and whether Erbil and Baghdad coordinate as the coalition role ends. The U.S. relationship may still contribute through a more limited bilateral framework, but the transition’s shape depends on what that framework actually provides.
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