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World desk7 min

High Above the Equator, Russia Is Stalking Satellites Used by NATO Armed Forces

Russia’s Luch/Olymp satellites have approached commercial Intelsat spacecraft used by Germany’s armed forces. The activity raises surveillance and counterspace concerns, but public evidence does not prove an imminent attack.
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Russia has used maneuverable Luch/Olymp satellites to approach and observe commercial Intelsat spacecraft used by Germany’s armed forces. The activity is serious because the same rendezvous skills can support surveillance, signals collection, electronic interference or, in a crisis, an attack. Public evidence does not show that Russia was preparing to destroy either satellite or that NATO had lost control of its communications.

The episode illustrates a wider problem in orbit: a close approach can be an inspection, espionage, training exercise, warning or attack preparation, and outsiders often cannot tell which. Germany’s defense minister disclosed the activity on September 25, 2025; subsequent events and reporting through 2026 place it in a broader U.S.-China-Russia contest over geostationary orbit.

What Germany said was happening

German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius said on September 25, 2025, that two Russian Luch/Olymp reconnaissance satellites were tracking two Intelsat communications satellites also used by the German armed forces. The statement was reported by The Associated Press.

The Intelsat spacecraft identified in related reporting were Intelsat 10-02 and Intelsat 39. They are commercial satellites providing C-band and Ku-band communications across areas including Europe and the Middle East, with coverage relevant to Ukraine. “Used by NATO forces” does not mean NATO owns them: a military can lease capacity or use services from a commercial operator.

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That distinction matters. A commercial satellite can be part of a country’s military communications architecture while remaining privately operated and serving many customers.

What “stalking” means in orbit

“Stalking” is shorthand for rendezvous and proximity operations. A maneuverable spacecraft changes its orbit, approaches another satellite and may remain nearby or move on to another target. The behavior can be observed through tracking data, but the spacecraft’s sensors, commands and collected information are generally not public.

These operations take place in or near the geostationary belt, about 35,786 kilometers (22,236 miles) above the equator. In a geostationary orbit, a satellite circles Earth in the equatorial plane once every 24 hours and appears fixed over one longitude. A geosynchronous orbit also has a 24-hour period, but it can be inclined or elliptical, so the satellite may not stay over one point. The broader GEO region contains the orbital slots used by many communications and military spacecraft. The International Telecommunication Union explains the orbit’s geometry and role.

GEO is valuable because one spacecraft can maintain continuous links over a large part of a continent or ocean. It is also predictable: operators normally keep communications satellites close to assigned longitudes for years. A satellite that travels between those positions is therefore conspicuous.

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Meet the Luch/Olymp satellites

“Luch” means “beam” in Russian and was historically associated with civilian data-relay spacecraft. The military Luch/Olymp vehicles are secretive, maneuverable satellites operating in and around GEO. Russia launched the first in 2014 and a second in 2023.

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Unlike ordinary communications satellites, they have moved from longitude to longitude and spent extended periods near Western-owned spacecraft. A CSIS assessment based on open-source orbital data says Luch/Olymp 2 visited or approached satellites including Eutelsat Konnect, RASCOM-QAF 1, Astra 4A, Thor 7, SES 5, Intelsat 3-F7, Thor 6 and Intelsat 10-02. Analysts assessed that it came to roughly 5 kilometers from Thor 7 in July 2024 and less than 1 kilometer from Intelsat 10-02 in January 2025. Those distances are orbital-analysis findings, not Russian admissions: CSIS’s technical report describes the observations.

The satellites’ exact payloads and mission orders remain undisclosed. Calling them reconnaissance or “attack” satellites as a matter of certainty goes beyond the public evidence.

What Russia might be trying to do

Several purposes are technically plausible. They should not be treated as equally proven.

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Possibility What it would involve Evidence status
Observation Imaging a spacecraft, its antennas, solar arrays or operating behavior. Consistent with deliberate proximity; specific observations are not public.
Signals intelligence Characterizing or collecting radio-frequency transmissions near the target. Plausible, but no public record proves what was collected.
Operational rehearsal Practicing navigation, station-keeping and approaches that could be useful in a conflict. Consistent with repeated movements between satellites.
Electronic warfare Testing whether a spacecraft could interfere with signals or assess vulnerabilities. Analysts identify the possibility; a jamming payload or successful interference is not publicly confirmed.
Physical attack Collision, explosive fragmentation or another destructive action. No public evidence shows an attempted attack on the Intelsat spacecraft.

A close approach alone proves none of these missions. CSIS describes the activity as increasingly sophisticated maneuvering that could support space warfare, not proof of a particular hostile operation. Its overview is at CSIS’s 2025 space-threat assessment.

Why a German military depends on commercial Intelsat satellites

Commercial operators can supply bandwidth and geographic reach without each military building a global communications constellation. Governments may lease capacity, reserve dedicated transponders or buy managed services under contract. Commercial fleets can also provide redundancy and faster access than a wholly government-owned system.

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The trade-off is exposure. A commercial satellite may serve several governments, remain in a known orbital slot and depend on vulnerable ground stations, network-management systems and terrestrial links. Military use therefore blurs the traditional boundary between civilian and military space assets.

The 2022 cyberattack on Viasat’s KA-SAT network, just before Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, showed how a space communications service can be disrupted without destroying a satellite. The broader security implications are discussed by CSIS.

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Germany’s response and the debate over “offensive” space capabilities

Pistorius said Germany planned to invest about €35 billion over five years, reported at the time as approximately $41 billion. The proposed spending included satellite constellations, communications, early warning, reconnaissance, cybersecurity, ground stations, radar and telescope networks, secure launch capacity and wider space-security capabilities. He also called for discussion of “offensive capabilities” in space.

That was a policy shift in tone, not an announcement that Germany had deployed orbital weapons. It reflected an argument that passive protection and resilience may not be enough if adversaries can approach, disrupt or threaten critical spacecraft. Defensive measures can include better tracking, maneuverability, backup communications, hardened networks and the ability to attribute and deter interference.

Russia is not the only power conducting close approaches

The United States has operated Geosynchronous Space Situational Awareness Program satellites since 2014. These spacecraft maneuver near other satellites to observe them. China has also developed spacecraft capable of inspection and proximity operations. A 2026 analysis describes the three-way growth of activity in GEO: Ars Technica.

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This does not make Russian activity benign or establish identical intentions among the powers. It does mean that maneuverable “inspector” satellites are becoming a normal feature of strategic competition. The central risk is ambiguity: the same navigation technique can support peaceful inspection, intelligence collection, interference or attack preparation.

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What changed after the 2025 disclosure

The first Luch/Olymp satellite, launched in 2014, was retired and moved to a graveyard orbit in October 2025. Ground observations indicated that it fragmented on January 30, 2026. The cause has not been established; possible explanations included an external debris impact or an internal failure. Space.com reported the apparent breakup and debris concerns.

A graveyard orbit is a disposal region above the most valuable geostationary slots. Fragmentation there still matters because debris can threaten heavily used orbital corridors and is difficult to remove. Luch/Olymp 2, launched in 2023, remained the more relevant surviving spacecraft in the pair, while U.S., Chinese and Russian proximity operations continued to shape the 2026 picture.

How to judge whether a close approach is dangerous

No single distance proves hostile intent. Analysts look for combinations of indicators:

  • Repeated or prolonged loitering near an operational communications satellite.
  • Movement from one Western spacecraft to another.
  • Relative-orbit changes that show deliberate station-keeping.
  • Approaches inconsistent with a declared servicing or inspection mission.
  • Unusual radio-frequency emissions or evidence of interference.
  • Proximity close enough to create collision risk during a period of political or military tension.

Open orbital tracking can show that two spacecraft moved near each other. It generally cannot reveal which sensors were activated, what data was collected, who authorized the maneuver or whether a payload could jam signals. That is why responsible assessments use phrases such as “analysts assess” and “consistent with,” rather than declaring an attack.

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The escalation ladder in space

Proximity operations sit below several more overt forms of attack, but they can support them:

  • Inspection: optical or technical observation.
  • Signals intelligence: collecting or analyzing transmissions.
  • Electronic attack: jamming or interfering with links.
  • Cyberattack: compromising a satellite, ground station or network-control system.
  • Kinetic attack: collision or explosive destruction that creates debris.

The Luch/Olymp case primarily concerns maneuvering and suspected surveillance or electronic-warfare potential. It is not evidence that Russia physically attacked an Intelsat satellite or that NATO communications were successfully intercepted.

Why this matters beyond one pair of satellites

Commercial communications spacecraft now carry military traffic, while military and commercial networks share ground infrastructure. A hostile state can therefore create pressure without firing a conventional weapon: approach a satellite, force the operator to maneuver, test response times, probe network defenses or make customers doubt the service’s reliability.

The strategic effect is cumulative. Operators must invest in space-domain awareness, collision avoidance, redundancy, cybersecurity and credible deterrence. The ambiguity itself becomes a tool: every unexplained approach can impose costs even when no attack follows.

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For the Intelsat satellites used by German forces, the public record supports concern about surveillance and counterspace preparation. It does not support the stronger claim that an attack was underway. The enduring issue is that the technology needed to watch a satellite is increasingly close to the technology needed to interfere with it.

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